Croatian Library

by Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences Source: Trepca.net BELGRADE (Serbia), September 24, 1986 A slowdown in society's development, economic difficulties, growing social tensions and open inter-communal clashes have all given cause for deep concern in our country. Not just the political and economic system but the entire public order of the country is undergoing a severe crisis. Laxity and irresponsibility in the workplace, corruption and nepotism, a lack of legal security, bureaucratic high-handedness, flouting of the law, growing distrust among people and crass individual and group egoism are everyday phenomena.

Author: Olivera Milosavljevic Uploaded: Tuesday, 25 March, 2008 The author traces the way in which earlier Serbian historians, writers and politicans created a stereotype of Albanians as implacable enemies of all that is Serb The Albanians are today unquestionably considered the greatest ‘enemies’ of the Serbs. Although this may be ascribed to political events and the distasteful portrayal of Albanians in the Serbian media, it is nevertheless necessary to look deeper into the reasons for the disdain with which they have been treated by Serbian writers and politicians.

Born on 14 July 1889 in Bradina, about 35 km southwest of Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia-Herzegovina. He attends primary school at Travnik in Bosnia-Herzegovina. After completing his secondary education at a Jesuit seminary in Senj, Croatia, he studies law at the University of Zagreb. Following his graduation he establishes a small law practice in Zagreb, the capital of Croatia. In his youth Pavelic joins the Croat Party of Rights (Hrvatska Stranka Prava, HSP), an extreme, right-wing nationalist political group advocating Croat separatism. When the HSP breaks up in 1908 Pavelic joins a splinter faction lead by Josip Frank. The faction, often called frankovci (frankist) after its leader, considers itself to be the "pure" Party of Rights. Pavelic is made interim secretary on 1 March 1919. Pavelic believes in "a free and independent Croat state comprising the entire historical and ethnic territory of the Croat people." He believes that the enemies of the Croat ...

This is an original translation of an article which first appeared in the now-defunct Italian magazine Storia Illustrata in 1990. The fates of Ante Pavelic and the head of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization, Ivan "Vance" Mihailov, are intertwined after the former went into exile in 1929; among Pavelic's first contacts in Vienna was Mihailov's girlfriend. After receiving an invitation to IMRO's headquarters in Banka, Pavelic joined IMRO in a declaration of war against the Royal Yugoslav government, and the Ustase was born. Certain scholars have somehow claimed that the identity of King Alexander's assassin - a Bulgarian "loaned" to the Ustase after two previous bungled assassination attempts ordered by Pavelic - somehow absolves Pavelic and Eugen-Dido Kvaternik of complicity in the crime which they planned. Mihailov's statements on the issue, if they are to be believed, certainly indicate that it was the Ustase, and not IMRO, whic...

The website Pavelic-Papers.com is dead but info can be accessed using the archive service WayBackMachine Ante Pavelic document count: 49 b. July 14, 1889, Bradina, Bosnia d. December 28, 1959, Madrid, Spain aka: poglavnik ("leader" or fuerher), Anton Pavelitch, Ante Pavelitch, Pedro Gonner Poglavnik ("leader"; in German, "fuehrer") of the Independent State of Croatia, founder of the Ustase movement and mastermind of the Holocaust in Croatia in which an estimated 600,000 to 1 million Serbs, Jews, Roma and political prisoners perished between 1941 and 1945.

OPTUŽNICA ZA GOSPIĆKE UDBAŠKE KRVNIKE Zvonimir R. Došen, Hamilton, Kanada JOSO BUBAŠ, koji danas, u invalidskim kolicima, mirno živi u Zagrebu, rođen je u Ličkom Novom, pokraj Gospića. Kao gimnazijalac, podučen od Jakova Blaževića, 1941. pridružio se partizanima-četnicima u Divoselu pokraj Gospića. Tijekom rata, sudjelovao je u svim zločinima koje su njegovi drugovi poduzimali protiv nevinih hrvatskih civila u Lici.

In this January 8, 1918, address to Congress, President Woodrow Wilson proposed a 14-point program for world peace. These points were later taken as the basis for peace negotiations at the end of the war. In this January 8, 1918, speech on War Aims and Peace Terms, President Wilson set down 14 points as a blueprint for world peace that was to be used for peace negotiations after World War I. The details of the speech were based on reports generated by “The Inquiry,” a group of about 150 political and social scientists organized by Wilson’s adviser and long-time friend, Col. Edward M House. Their job was to study Allied and American policy in virtually every region of the globe and analyze economic, social, and political facts likely to come up in discussions during the peace conference. The team began its work in secret and in the end produced and collected nearly 2,000 separate reports and documents plus at least 1,200 maps.

The Peace Negotiations, by Robert Lansing The Project Gutenberg eBook, This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net Title: The Peace Negotiations Author: Robert Lansing Release Date: December 13, 2003 [eBook #10444] Language: English Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1

Nikola Stojanovic To Extermination: Ours or Yours? (1902) An article detailing views of Serbian cultural and political superiority over the Croats, which basically negated the existence of the Croatians as a separate nation Nikola Stojanovic (1880-1964) was a politician and lawyer from Mostar. Before World War I he was very active in opposing the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and founded an opposition paper called "Narod" (Nation). During the war he was part of the Yugoslav Committee, which worked to unite the South Slavs. He was considered an expert on Bosnia-Herzegovina, and was an adviser for that region during the Peace Conference of 1918-19.

INTRODUCTION The selections that follow represent excerpts of some of the basic works of the most influential Serbian intellectuals (politicians, academics, writers) who lived and worked in various time periods, but are tied together by a common thread, the creation of a Greater Serbia. The immediate goal of this work is to give the reader a more detailed introduction to the genesis of an extreme nationalist ideology which in its modern manifestation is found in the complex circumstances of the break-up of Yugoslavia.

Graham L. Strachan Note: Mr. Strachan is an Australian, hence the unusual spelling – TYSK Brock Chisolm, former Director of the (United Nations) World Health Organization, is quoted as saying, "To achieve world government, it is necessary to remove from the minds of men, their individualism, loyalty to family traditions, national patriotism and religious dogmas." [GWB quote of the day, 7/7/1999]. Remove from the minds of men? Doesn't that sound like mental conditioning? How does that square with the Alexander Downer/Tim Fischer version of globalism as freer markets? It doesn't, does it?

http://conservativedemocrats.20m.com/photo.html Richard Holloway, the former Bishop of Edinburgh, is showing uncharacteristic interest in Tory politics. For the retired radical, author of a book called Godless Morality, is impressed by Peter Lilley's call for legalised cannabis. He sees the ex-Cabinet Minister's stance less as an isolated but courageous gesture and more as the harbinger of future change. 'I think it is definitely a good sign' the Bishop told a Guardian journalist. 'I wonder if the Tories are not actually trying to develop a very socially reformist agenda that might include things like the legalising of gay unions. They might try to steal some of the traditional areas of the liberal agenda in the way that Labour stole the economic fire. It would be a seismic change. Can you imagine Lord Tebbit? He would go into orbit?'

by Aidan Rankin When I hear the word 'fascist', I do not think of the assorted pub bores or the few full-blooded bigots who are the stereotypical activists of the 'far right'. Nor do I think of half-drunk, testosterone-driven skinheads in tight-fitting jeans or combat trousers, bawling out anti-immigrant slogans richly spiced with obscenity. Least of all do I think of the thousands of disgruntled Labour supporters, ordinary men and women in working class enclaves, who have given the British National Party its newfound electoral clout. None of these people are fascists, in any meaningful sense of the word. They are victims rather than aggressors - victims of failed liberal social experiments, heartless economic programmes and, above all perhaps, of betrayal by a Labour movement that was set up specifically to defend them.